Broadcasting as an Institution Essay Example

Broadcasting as an Institution Paper As the technology evolves over time so as the form of communication and the transfer of message from one place to another, so as the increase in demand for production and the desire to go beyond what was achieved. One of the innovations that were created by the flourishing technology in the twentieth century was broadcasting. It serves as a new way for different people in different places receive a single message. This paper would first look into the history of broadcasting, the role of broadcasting as an institutional framework, defining some key terms, the audience as market vs. the audience as public Broadcasting started out with the radio programs that have become a form of entertainment and a source of information during the 1930’s and 1940’s. Upon the invention of television, greater audiences have been able to see a performance that was conducted in the same way simultaneously in different areas. This gave broadcasting a break that means more than just advertisement. It was popularized and was received by greater and hungry audiences. The Role of Broadcasting Broadcasting is not plainly about giving information or â€Å"serving† the audience. The broadcasting framework is not a free enterprise; rather, it is a market fueled institution. It generates money in able to produce shows and programs that then inform or entertain the audience. According to Shaun Moores in his book Media and Everyday Life in Society, Broadcasting is a form of â€Å"industry for the production of ‘symbolic goods’ that can be found on ‘cultural production’ illustrated by professional performance and market relations. In this view broadcasting is a cultural production. We will write a custom essay sample on Broadcasting as an Institution specifically for you for only $16.38 $13.9/page Order now We will write a custom essay sample on Broadcasting as an Institution specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer We will write a custom essay sample on Broadcasting as an Institution specifically for you FOR ONLY $16.38 $13.9/page Hire Writer On another view, this time, by Claus-Dieter Rath (1985, as quoted in Moore, 2000, pp.15), broadcasting is called â€Å"an institution in everyday life†, it is thus a part of the society that affects our everyday life. (Moores, 2000, pp. 12) The Audience As far as we can see, there is a direct impact from the understanding of the institutional framework of broadcasting to the audience. Janice Radway (1988, as quoted in Moore p. 15) through her research found that it is a word that was solely use to mean an â€Å"individual face-to-face vocal interaction†. It is differentiated from the word â€Å"mass† that was use to denote a large and indefinite quantity with unknown boundaries. According to her it is more appropriate to use the term â€Å"audiences† to refer to several groups of individual of different culture and tradition than using the words mass and audience. Mass audiences refer to the â€Å"large scale reception of a single performance†. (McQuail, 1997, pp. 5) Broadcasting as an Institutional Framework The importance of understanding the institutional framework of broadcasting when analyzing how audience are address lies on the role of the institution and the audiences themselves. If for a fact the institution is a cultural production, then we will find that it is all about, consumers, producers, manufacturers, in short, it is all about money-making and audiences are therefore seen as a market. On the other hand, if one would insist that broadcasting is actually a social everyday experience in which humans are bounded by common information and culture, then audiences are rendered as a public that has to be served. According to Williams, (1991 as quoted in Ang, pp.28) the constitution of broadcast institutions is â€Å"paternal† in a sense that it has an ‘authoritarian system which has values and purposes maintained by its own use of power’. Having this in mind we are able to see the institution as a force that dictates cultural preferences. In this view the broadcasting network cater their programs to what the audiences have or ought to want. The audiences are treated as market or as consumers from which profit can be maximize through appealing to their taste.

A Guide on How to Use Adverbial Clauses of Time

A Guide on How to Use Adverbial Clauses of Time Adverb clauses provide additional information about how something is done. They are much like adverbs in that they tell the reader when, why or how someone did something. All clauses contain a subject and a verb, adverb clauses are introduced by subordinating conjunctions. For example, Tom helped the student with the homework because he didnt understand the exercise. ... because he didnt understand the exercise explains why Tom helped and is an adverb clause. Begin by studying adverb clauses which are often called time clauses in English grammar books and follow specific patterns.   Punctuation When an adverb clause begins the sentence, use a comma to separate the two clauses. Example: As soon as he arrives, we will have some lunch. When the adverb clause finishes the sentence, there is no need for a comma. Example: He gave me a call when he arrived in town. Adverb Clauses with Time When: He was talking on the phone when I arrived.When she called, he had already eaten lunch.I washed the dishes when my daughter fell asleep.Well go to lunch when you come to visit. When means at that moment, at that time, etc.. Notice the different tenses used in relation to the clause beginning with when. It is important to remember that when takes either the simple past OR the present - the dependent clause changes tense in relation to the when clause. Before: We will finish before he arrives.She (had) left before I telephoned. Before means before that moment. It is important to remember that before takes either the simple past OR the present. After: We will finish after he comes.She ate after I (had) left. After means after that moment. It is important to remember that after takes the present for future events and the past OR past perfect for past events. While, as: She began cooking while I was finishing my homework.As I was finishing my homework, she began cooking. While and as are both usually used with the past continuous because the meaning of during that time  indicates an action in progress. By the time: By the time he finished, I had cooked dinner.We will have finished our homework by the time they arrive. By the time expresses the idea that one event has been completed before another. It is important to notice the use of the past perfect for past events and future perfect for future events in the main clause. This is because of the idea of something happening up to another point in time. Until, till: We waited until he finished his homework.Ill wait until you finish. Until and till express up to that time. We use either the simple present or simple past with until and till. Till is usually only used in spoken English. Since: I have played tennis since I was a young boy.They have worked here since 1987. Since means from that time. We use the present perfect (continuous) with since. Since can also be used with a specific point in time. As soon as: He will let us know as soon as he decides (or as soon as he has decided).As soon as I hear from Tom, I will give you a telephone call. As soon as means when something happens - immediately afterward. As soon as is very similar to when it emphasizes that the event will occur immediately after the other. We usually use the simple present for future events, although present perfect can also be used. Whenever, every time: Whenever he comes, we go to have lunch at Dicks.We take a hike every time he visits. Whenever and every time mean each time something happens. We use the simple present (or the simple past in the past) because whenever and every time express habitual action. The first, second, third, fourth, etc., next, last time: The first time I went to New York, I was intimidated by the city.I saw Jack the last time I went to San Francisco.The second time I played tennis, I began to have fun. The first, second, third, fourth, etc., next, last time means that specific time. We can use these forms to be more specific about which time of a number of times something happened. Adverb  Clauses Showing Opposition These type of clauses show an unexpected or non-self-evident result based on the dependent clause. Example:  He bought the car even though it was expensive. Take a look at the chart below to study the various usages of adverb clauses showing opposition. Punctuation: When an adverb clause begins the sentence use a comma to separate the two clauses. Example:  Even though it was expensive, he bought the car. When the adverb clause finishes the sentence there is no need for a comma. Example:  He bought the car even though it was expensive. Even though, though, although: Even though it was expensive, he bought the car.Though he loves doughnuts, he has given them up for his diet.Although the course was difficult, he passed with the highest marks. Notice how though, even though or although show a situation which is contrary to the main clause to express opposition. Even though, though and although are all synonyms. Whereas, while: Whereas you have lots of time to do your homework, I have very little time indeed.Mary is rich, while I am poor. Whereas and while show clauses in direct opposition to each other. Notice that you should always use a comma with whereas and while. Using Adverb Clauses to Express Conditions These type of clauses are often called if clauses in English grammar books and follow conditional  sentence patterns. Take a look at the chart below to study the various usage of different time expressions. Punctuation: When an adverb clause begins the sentence use a comma to separate the two clauses. Example:  If he comes, we will have some lunch.. When the adverb clause finishes the sentence there is no need for a comma. Example:  He would have invited me if he had known. If: If we win, well go to Kellys to celebrate!She would buy a house, if she had enough money. If clauses express the conditions necessary for the result. If clauses are followed by expected results based on the condition. Even if: Even if she saves a lot, she wont be able to afford that house. In contrast to sentences with if sentences with even if show a result that is unexpected based on the condition in the even if clause.  Example:  COMPARE: If she studies hard, she will pass the exam AND Even if she studies hard, she wont pass the exam. Whether or not: They wont be able to come whether or not they have enough money.Whether they have money or not, they wont be able to come. Whether or not expresses the idea that neither one condition or another matters; the result will be the same. Notice the possibility of inversion (Whether they have money or not) with whether or not. Unless: Unless she hurries up, we wont arrive in time.We wont go unless he arrives soon. Unless expresses the idea of if not  Example:  Unless she hurries up, we wont arrive in time. MEANS THE SAME AS: If she doesnt hurry up, we wont arrive in time.  Unless is only used in the first conditional. In case (that), in the event (that): In the case you need me, Ill be at Toms.Ill be studying upstairs in the event he calls. In case and in the event usually mean that you dont expect something to happen, but if it does... Both are used primarily for future events. Only if: Well give you your bicycle only if you do well on your exams.Only if you do well on your exams will we give you your bicycle. Only if means only in the case that something happens - and only if. This form basically means the same as if. However, it does stress the condition for the result. Note that when only if begins the sentence you need to invert the main clause. Adverb Clauses with Expressions of Cause and Effect These type of clauses explain the reasons for what happens in the main clause.  Example:  He bought a new home because he got a better job. Take a look at the chart below to study the various usages of different expressions of cause and effect. Note that all of these expressions are synonyms of because. Punctuation: When an adverb clause begins the sentence use a comma to separate the two clauses.  Example:  Because he had to work late, we had dinner after nine oclock.. When the adverb clause finishes the sentence there is no need for a comma.  Example:  We had dinner after nine oclock because he had to work late. Adverb Clauses of Cause and Effect Because: They received a high mark on their exam because they had studied hard.Im studying hard because I want to pass my exam.He works a lot of overtime because his rent is so expensive Notice how because can be used with a variety of tenses based on the time relationship between the two clauses. Since: Since he loves music so much, he decided to go to a conservatory.They had to leave early since their train left at 8.30. Since means the same as because. Since tends to be used in more informal spoken English.  Important note:  Since when used as a conjunction is typically used to refer to a period of time, while because implies a cause or reason. As long as: As long as you have the time, why dont you come for dinner? As long as means the same as because. As long as tends to be used in more informal spoken English. As: As the test is difficult, you had better get some sleep. As means the same as because. As tends to be used in more formal, written English. Inasmuch as: Inasmuch as the students had successfully completed their exams, their parents rewarded their efforts by giving them a trip to Paris. Inasmuch as means the same as because. Inasmuch as is used in very formal, written English. Due to the fact that: We will be staying for an extra week due to the fact that we have  not yet finished. Due to the fact that means the same as because. Due to the fact that is generally used in very formal, written English.

Laziness Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

Laziness - Essay Example It may manifest as an unmotivated individual, unreasonable expectations of entitlement, procrastination, manipulation, or simply not doing what should be done. Society is impacted by disrupted production schedules, co-worker animosity, missed work, and the eventual firing of the lazy person. This paper will review some of the current literature in regards to laziness and report the findings as to the cause, effects, and implications of laziness. While there are significant differences in the self-perception of procrastinators and non-procrastinators, research has not shown the cause of these differences. A comprehensive study by Ferrari, Driscole, and Diaz-Morales, reported that, "procrastinators have negative feelings about their actual self-concept faculties and self-presentation tactics", and that "they are not pleased by how they view themselves, similar to the perceptions reported by observers of their behaviors" (120). However, the research did not report whether procrastination was the cause or the effect of the negative self-concept. In two studies that involved Turkish students that procrastinated academic tasks, fear of failure was the main reason cited for delaying a task (Ozer, Demir, and Ferrari 245, 251). This would indicate that a low self-esteem is a cause of procrastination. As long as the victim does not start the task, there is no failure, and they won't be the subjects of ridicule. In addition, women sho wed a greater fear of failure that resulted in procrastination than men (Ozer, Demir, and Ferrari 253). This is in line with the female difference that tends to be more avoidant of fear from an early age. A second reason cited by men for procrastinating, rebellion against control, was not a major reason for female avoidance (Ozer, Demir, and Ferrari 253). In addition to these active procrastinators, some people are passive procrastinators. They are victims of themselves and "do not intend to procrastinate, but they often end up postponing tasks because of their inability to make decisions quickly and to thereby act on them quickly" (Chu and Choi 247). Still, poor self-image and a fear of failure are the main reasons driving both male and female procrastination.Laziness may be quantified by the degree to which a person feels entitled to a reward without regards to their productive output. In workplace studies, it has been reported that "women generally earn less than men and report l ess income entitlement than men do" (Ciani, Summers, and Easter 333). From this point of view, men have a greater expectation of entitlement for the same performance or output. Taken to the logical extension, men would be more likely to have someone support them, a spouse, trust fund, or the system, even though society views them as deviant. This is a classical definition of laziness in regards to work, and may generalize to other areas of a person's life. Ciani, Summers, and Easter report that "today's college students are more selfish, superficial, and narcissistic than ever before" (332). These students have been self-inflated throughout grade school and high school, and they enter college with a sense of entitlement to grades, resulting in grade inflation across the country (Ciani, Summers, and Easter 333). Once again, in the academic setting, men were more likely to feel a greater sense of entitlem

Miguels Hourly Performance Evaluation Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 500 words

Miguels Hourly Performance Evaluation - Essay Example Moreover, this has gained a positive influence on my production efficiency the total output. Besides is the variety of duties and responsibilities that describe my job that necessitate properly organized planning of activities, which has been finely exhibited from end to end in my work priority and output. I have acquired business analysis to identify and define the action and potential consequences comparing and contrasting them against predetermined criteria, which help to identify task commanding more might than another does, and accomplish it effectively with efficiency and quality. The outcomes of these traits have been shown in my acknowledgement as the most prolific personnel for The Tech, most important, this has resulted to the gradual soaring of the company growth (DelPo, 2007). To enhance my achievements still maintaining an outstanding social collaboration with colleagues within the company, I possess a set of personalities that make my distinction from the rest of workforce attributed to my open mindedness and free for discussion. In addition, I voluntarily engage discussions with workmates and accept contrary opinions where it has proved worthy to converge to an amicable solution. I explore new knowledge from within and beyond the organization and appreciate new ideas in the spirit of cooperation. Furthermore, where opinions controvert and I am disapproved, I share the lessons learnt, credits for the team accomplishments, and recommend necessary improvement to facilitate the collaboration. Moreover, I am capable of undertaking challenging goals with simultaneous varied tasks and results of multitasking still fall within the threshold of superior quality. Conversely, I have not fully accomplished my excellence in team discussions though efforts to improve this for better results are still underway. However, I look upon teamwork when confronted by severe challenges in my

Ecological Ethics, Amber Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 250 words

Ecological Ethics, Amber - Essay Example tructive behavior poses a threat to the existence of species and the environment as a whole, and therefore it is obligatory that species need to be conserved simply because they were created and meant to exist (Ehrenfield,1972).However, simple intrinsic values are not considered when conservation and management strategies are designed and implemented. However, the fact is that where there is value of existence there will be ethics of conservation and this is where we get a glimpse of man’s anthropocentric approach towards conservation strategies. Species utilitarian values and ecosystem values are the core reason that drives man’s ethics of conservation. Man benefits from products and free services that natures offers and man is very much aware about the value and the effect of these products and services and hence man values biodiversity because of its mere utility (Alho,2008). On the other hand, it is also true that man values something because of aesthetic reasons. For example lions and tigers do not provide any direct service yet they are valued for the reason that they are top predators who have an aesthetic value as well. Whereas endangered animals for example the Indiana bat receives less hype simply because it has lesser impact on the people. This is where the concept of flagship species may be linked. Conservationists are aware of the values of each and every species yet they chose flagship specie such as the giant panda or tiger to symbolize conservation for the sole reason that larger animals have greater impact on the minds of

Effectiveness of Policies on Effects of Death in England

Effectiveness of Policies on Effects of Death in England How effective were government policies in mitigating the effects of dearth in England during the period 1500 – 1850? INTRODUCTION Look up ‘dearth’ in a modern dictionary and you will see it defined as ‘scarcity’, but in 16th and 17th century England ‘dearth’ could for many mean death. Although the spelling is near enough, a ‘dearth’ or scarcity (mainly applied to grain, which made up the staple diet of beer and bread) originated from the now quaint word ‘dear’ meaning expensive. And when food was too expensive the bulk of the population would starve; despite the philanthropy of the wealthy and the inadequate poor laws, which changed little for centuries after its first incarnation under Queen Elizabeth I. This was seen, particularly before the enlightenment, but surviving into in the 18th century, as the fault of the poor themselves who perhaps inadvertently had overloaded their sin quota and brought forth the ‘wrath of God’ who then visited upon the unfortunate sinners bad harvests and the consequential famines that followed. â€Å"For the removal of those heavenly judgements which our manifold sins and provocations have most justly deserved, and with which Almighty God is pleased to visit the iniquities of the land by a grievous scarcity and dearth of diverse articles of sustenance and necessaries of life†[1] Although this might sound like a Cromwellian outburst it was actually written in the mid-18th century, providing proof positive for the masses that any misfortune which might arise (death, famine, etc.) was not by any fault of the ruling elite, but by powers beyond even kings, despite their ‘divine rights’. But just in case the religious concept was not enough to quell any disturbances arising out of a starving population, laws had to be passed which, for example, forbade meetings of more than three men, and of not more than a dozen to be assembled at anytime or anywhere. As with everything, words have a history. They are moulded by historical events and people. But they do not usually expire completely, instead they change. ‘Dearth’ was a far more ominous and morbid word to the people of the 16th, 17th, and 18th century than it is to the modern ear. During the 17th century, starting in the late 16th, Governments were resistant to intervene in periods of dearth, though a form of protectionism was practised, to offset extremes of supply and demand, abundance and dearth, which was altered and revised when needs be. With a minimum and maximum price allowable for the exporting and importing of grain. A totally free market did not arrive until 1570. But as the price restrictions were instituted at a local and not governmental level the laws were not difficult to circumvent. Smuggling, for example, was practised, and easy to get away with, and it is true that smuggling was probably widely engaged upon. Add to this such things as bribery and corrupt local officials and it is easy to imagine a thriving black market sector within the price constraints. This state of affairs begs the question of why did centralised government distance itself from intervention in the corn trade, and leave it to localised administration to implement any government protectionist policies? Opinions vary amongst historians but just two possibilities posited cite the City of London’s preoccupation with largely its own affairs, with its own idiosyncratic system, and the fact that abundance and dearth were largely regional and varied at different times and in different parts of the country. When central government did intervene, due to a particularly bad dearth, it is questionable whether intervention was instigated with an altruistic motive through amelioration of some of the more dreadful sufferings of the populace, or with a view to quell any disorder that might arise. Another interesting government policy that was sometimes practiced was the demonisation of alcohol, hoping that the populace would more easily subsist on more bread and less beer. W hen deaths from epidemic diseases, which were ubiquitous in this era, are taken into consideration, mortality rates still show a definite rise in years of serious dearth. Modern era economic problems are usually controlled by such methods as manipulation of the cash flow and trade agreements between different nations or economic blocs. But there was a tradition, which tailed off during the course of the 18th century, of sustaining a viable price/market equilibrium by means of monitoring disturbance and discontent amongst the populace. This method, a fairly simple equation, disturbance = government intervention, form low-level intervention to more extreme protectionist legislation. Even in pre-industrial agrarian societies autarky was a constant goal for government but seldom reached simply because what commodity might be abundant in one country might be scarce in another. Also it must be borne in mind that often disturbances, some violent, were the only means at a disenfranchised populace’ disposal to express grievances. Often, particularly in depressed periods, disturbance and rioting were so endemic as to present these events or â€Å"rebell ions of the belly’’[2] as hardly worth commenting upon; by contemporary commentators and modern historians alike. A comment by Professor Barnes is fairly typical, â€Å"In general these disturbances were more or less alike, and hence nothing is gained by giving a detailed account of each one† [3] Dearth was, in these times, not only a fairly frequent occurrence but was part of the popular consciousness. It was ever present in the minds of government and governed alike. In the case of government, future dearths could cause a considerable threat to public order and social stability, thus causing some deal of worry. In these times of no effective policing agency, social stability was maintained by the prevailing ruling elite’s ideology, which involved a complex inter-relationship between government and governed, crown and nobility, landowners and workers; and the monitoring by government of dearth can, with historical evidence, be seen as a major factor in the maintenance of social stability in the post-feudal/nascent industrial-capitalist society. An additional problem for government was the fact that dearth was difficult to foresee and could arise within a short period of time. In a society going through fundamental structural changes, the rise of a merchant class, for example, dearth was a perennial problem, and a major one. The ruling elites had a real fear of unrest amongst the labouring poor, who themselves had very justifiable grievances. Indeed, it must have been patently obvious amongst many of the poor, despite lack of education, that it was their toil that kept the nobility in such splendour. This is not to say that much of the populace, perhaps the majority, accepted their lot in life. Many â€Å"never took noe lewd course for to rong any man. Nor yet rune about the country as others have done †¦ for corne †¦ took it by violen[ce]†.[4] What was the poors understanding of the courses of dearth? These were varied, obviously bad harvests and religious superstition played a part, but also the system of enclosure was thought to be a cause. In effect, enclosure acted as a means to raise the price of corn, and often accentuated the problem of dearth. Others believed that dearth was caused deliberately by speculators to whom dearth would have been financially advantageous. Thus, dearth was caused by, â€Å"many loaders that buy †¦ upp †¦ whoole loades and carry it away and so make corne at such an excessive rate; although there is corne enough†[5] This demonisation of middlemen was expediently taken up by government, who pronounced against â€Å"evill disposed persons unthankfull to God and without pitty towards poore men, [who] by their engrossing of grayne and other abuses will make want amidst plentifulness and continew still the affliction of the poore by their malice†[6] This was not merely propaganda. Some measures to control middlemen were indeed placed on statute. Why events such as the Peterloo massacre had not happened earlier was in no small measure due to the fact that before the influx of agricultural workers into the newly industrialised towns and cities, practically everyone was illiterate apart from the ruling elites, and the organisation of any demonstration was hampered by the fact that dialects varied so much, thus even nearby villagers had some difficulty comprehending each other. Also, as England changed from a subsistence economy to a money economy and agriculture became more commercialised, dearths decreased in frequency. In a subsistence economy, such as in the feudal period, there was little incentive for peasants to produce more than they could subsist on as this would be surplus that could not be capitalised on, as in a money economy. Subsequently dearth usually meant that although grain was scarce, there would be just enough to subsist on. Very bad harvests though, frequently led to mass starvation and deaths. Dearths and f amines were interpreted as nature’s way of balance. If the population grew too large, then this would result in too many mouths to feed, leading to famine and deaths which would bring the population down to manageable proportions. In Malthus’ book ‘An essay on the principle of population’ he argued just that.[7] Malthus the clergyman even argued against any poor relief, as this would upset what he saw as nature’s, checks and balances. Poor relief, instituted by government, was as a result of a great famine of the 1590s, (at this time in England’s history there were indeed too many mouths to feed, which went someway towards a vindication of Malthus’ theory). CONCLUSION Between 1500 and 1850 England was in a transitional period from a post-feudal, largely mercantile society into an industrial/capitalist society. As peasant workers migrated into the new industrial cities and towns society underwent a fundamental change. Workers began to congregate in much larger numbers than the agricultural society of scattered villages. After the enlightenment people were no longer so willing to accept dearths and famines as being an inevitable occurrence in a strictly hierarchical world with God at the apex, and began to question government excuses and reasons for dearths and famines. But government was spared increased disturbance and social unrest simply because dearths became less commonplace. The Peterloo massacre of 1819, which was a peaceful demonstration against the corn laws as they stood at that time, was due more to the ineptitude of local magistrates and somewhat drunken soldiers, than to the demonstration itself, which might easily have passed off peac efully. Therefore this event really lends itself to being somewhat out of context within the period discussed in this essay. Paradoxically, once the socio-economic conditions made it more favourable for peasants to look elsewhere to hire their labour in a money-economy, this could often make their plight worse. Landlords, at a time when peasants were virtually their property, at least had to ensure that their workers were sufficiently fed and nourished to work. When workers started working for money, there was no such check or balance, if the worker could not afford food he would starve. From this period, particularly the early period of the 15th and 16th centuries, a paucity of written records of dearth is an obvious impediment to historians. These were not written about in the main because many, if not most, contemporary writers simply did think that there was any real need for these events to be written down and recorded. And as written records did increase, the occurrence of dearth became less for the reasons discussed above. To people living at the time, dearths and famines were events which they probably thought would last in perpetuum, and as they varied in occurrence and in different regions at different times, a truly comprehensive systematic record is problematic for the modern historian. The corollary to this situation is that the effectiveness of government to mitigate the effects of dearth in this period is difficult to gauge. The fact that wars and epidemics were also prevalent during this period adds a further difficulty to an assessment when attemptin g to link dearth, and particularly famine, to morbidity rates as a determinant towards the assessment of government success in the mitigation of dearths and famines. It would be fair to say though, that government was successful merely because of the fact that society held together, unlike revolutionary France. But not so much as in the amelioration of the conditions under which the poor laboured, but successful in that no major riots are recorded. Therefore it could be argued that government was successful in mitigating, if to mitigate is taken in the meaning of as to lessen, social unrest and disorder and maintaining the status quo. Altruism towards its subjects was not high on the agenda of government and crown, and where it was practiced towards the poor it was the mainly the result of a perceived Christian duty towards relieving the lot of the poor, rather than any philanthropic motive, and an aid, through the poor law, in maintaining social order. To summarise; with the aid of religion, protection of subsistence living standards by the means of poor relief, price control and demonisation of ‘middlemen’, along with the fact that any disturbances or riots that did occur were regional, thus preventing a general nationwide uprising; successive governments through 1500 1850 could be deemed to have been effective towards the mitigation of the effects of dearth and famine. References Rose, R.B. ‘Eighteenth Century Price Riots and Public Policy in Early Modern England’. International Review of Social History, 6. Royal VanGorcum, The Netherlands, 1961. R.B. Outhwaite, Dearth, Public Policy and Social Disturbance in England 1550 – 1800, Macmillan, London, 1991. John Walter and Keith Wrightson, Dearth and the Social Order in Modern England, Rebellion, Proper Protest and the Social Order, ed. Slack, Cambridge University Press, 1984. Andrew Cunningham and Ole Peter Grell, The Four Horsemen of the Apocalypse, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2000 1 Footnotes [1] Page 15, R.B. Outhwaite, Dearth, Public Policy and Social Disturbance in England, 1550 – 1800, Macmillan, London, 1991. [2] Page 278, Rose, R.B. ‘Eighteenth Century Price Riots and Public Policy in Early Modern England’. International Review of Social History, 6. Royal VanGorcum, The Netherlands, 1961. [3] Ibid. [4] Page 114, John Walter and Keith Wrightson, Dearth and the Social Order in Early Modern England, Rebellion, Proper Protest and the Social Order, ed. Slack, Cambridge University Press, 1984. [5] Page 116, Ibid. [6] Page 117, Ibid. [7] Andrew Cunningham and Ole Peter Grell, The Four Horsemen of the Apocalypse, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2000.

I Didnt Realize Until Now :: Love Letters Dating Email Relationships

Dear Susan, I didn't realize until now just how badly I mishandled our relationship. By being apart and not talking for some time now, I have quickly learned that you were everything I ever wanted and because I was so afraid of losing you, I ended up chasing you away. It wasn't until recently that realized that instead of complaining about the time I didn't have with you, I should have cherished the time I did have. The time we had together was real and filled with affection. I was never alone when we were apart, because just as you were on my mind, I was on yours. It wasn't until now that I have realized how special it was to hear your voice even if it was just once a day, let alone several times a day. It wasn't until now that I have realized that it wasn't the late phone call for me to come over because you missed me, or to stay overnight that I miss so much. What I miss is the feeling behind the way you would stare at me and or kiss my hand while we were in the car. The way we looked into each other's eyes and spoke without saying a word. The way you trusted me with your children and I trusted you with mine. The way you wrote I love you on a steamy window or mirror only to show up time after time for me to see when we were apart. The way you signed to me that you loved me or snuck a kiss or hug in while the kids weren't watching. The way we joked that we were attached at the hip while fixing dinner or breakfast. The way we wrestled and tickled each other. Susie, I could go on and on but you know exactly what I'm saying. Yes, it's the little things I miss the most. The little things that I took for granted. The promise I made to you is a promise that I will keep forever. You will always hold a special place in my heart. Even though I'm dating here and there, I end up comparing them to you. You've set the bar very high for me and that's a good thing because I refuse to settle for less than the standard you've set. On that Wednesday (July 11th) when I returned home and found your e-mail, it was the happiest I'd been in weeks.